Kibaki walks a tight rope

Long before the referendum vote the Government had been at war with itself for more than 30 months and the Cabinet had not met for more than six months, with President Kibaki seemingly helpless to put an end to these developments.

So when the President suspended his cabinet soon after emerging the loser in the referendum vote on the 21st of November, his justification was that, “Following the results of the referendum, it has become necessary for me to re-organise my Government to make it better able to serve the people of Kenya.” This assertion perhaps meant putting in place a comprehensively representative team, taking into account grievances and misgivings of all concerned parties. And the motivation in this respect was understandably that which is in public interest.

At long last, the President had acted swiftly, firmly and decisively contingent upon a development that, yet again, exposed his government as hopelessly divided.

Ironically, even after unveiling a new cabinet line-up a fortnight after suspension, divisions that ensued were unlikely to yield the promise of “a cabinet that will better
serve the people of Kenyans”. What with dissatisfied coalition partners openly chanting in disappointment while secretly canvassing for ‘off-the-table’ settlement. What with incessant calls for a snap poll? Dissatisfaction was at its peak.

When addressing a press conference soon after being re-installed as Minister for Trade and Industry, Dr. Mukhisa Kituyi spilt the beans on the reason for rejecting positions by some of those appointed. “Hon. Musikari Kombo declined his position as Minister for Local Government because his demand to be handed the VP slot was not met. He had also presented that my position in this ministry (Trade & Industry) be given to Hon. Soita Shitanda.” This did not happen but the President somewhat sorted things out by giving three Ford Kenya MPs, John Munyes, Dr. Noah Wekesa, and Soita Shitanda Cabinet positions.

Similar demands had also been made by Hon. Charity Ngilu, a senior coalition partner, who wanted Cabinet positions for members of the party. She later managed a Cabinet seat for Prof. Kivuta Kibwana.

However, Kituyi’s sentiments revealed the underhand porker games that influenced rejections of ministerial posts. To say that the manner in which those rejecting positions flooded newsrooms with calls of ‘wanting out’ was dramatic is an understatement, and Kenyans watched in awe with inadvertent conviction that such en masse rejections were a
true commitment and pledge to the greater national good. It ensued that the motivating factor was ‘promises not met’ which gave way to grievances of ‘we have been short changed’.

At the face of it Ngilu and Kombo seem to be content “for the good of the country”. They have embraced the Government and chosen to work with the President in fulfilling Narc’s pledges. In doing these they have set aside ‘narrow interests’ and realized that the country is greater than any individual. Quite a bagful of ideas!

But again, there are no permanent friends or permanent enemies in politics. In the same breadth, there are no permanent convictions or ideals. If Kombo’s acceptance of a lesser ministerial position from the much desired VP post, and his subsequent remark that ‘every political party exists to achieve power’ are anything to go by, then it could be reasonably derived that the unity portrayed in the Cabinet is short-lived allegiance of convenience. “We had the capacity to walk out of the Government had the President failed to accept our demands.” said Kombo, recently, when he announced that his party was expecting more appointments “as agreed with the “Head of State.”

This comes at a time when the Government is expected to replace top civil servants and senior diplomats perceived to be linked to the leading lights of the Orange Democratic Movement, in an apparent move to push ‘rebels’ to the periphery. At the end of the
exercise, it is expected that most affected would be those who owe their positions to the 2002 election victory and subsequent horse trading between President Kibaki and Liberal Democratic Party chiefs led by sacked ministers Raila Odinga and Kalonzo Musyoka.

Without a doubt, the President has realized, or convinced by the elite occupying his kitchen, that he is better off with loyalists. After all, they are less of a headache, which is good for him because he has a Government to run and a divided team is outright injustice on him.

This is admissible. On the other hand, the LDP, now christened Orange Democratic Movement (ODM), is the coalition partner in the rebel camp. Their calls for snap elections after emerging victorious have since faded and they have disowned calls for a vote of no-confidence in the Government when parliament resumes. Their invitation to the president for dialogue has fallen on deaf ears due to perceived incompliance and ill-motive attributed to them, ostensibly to overthrow the government. “Personal sentiments on this matter (vote of no-confidence) should not be taken as our position.” LDP Chairman David Musila said, adding, “we have not discussed it and have absolutely no intentions in this regard.”

In reality, Kibaki’s political fortunes may not be improving, especially in view of a Cabinet with artificial unity. Yet, he appears to have resolved to keep the company of
divided friends than that of liberals. How prudent this is and how far he goes with it, if not until 2007, is a matter of time.

Whatever scenarios may emerge, one thing is for certain - the President has created room and atmosphere within which to shape the country’s destiny between now and the next general election. This would mean those in government stay put with their ambitions until 2007, and those in the ODM cool their hooves and await their turn to face the electorate at the end of this term.

Depending on his reading of the referendum results or the goings on in his Government since January 2003, the President could choose to revisit the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) he disregarded and which has been the source of great friction in his Governing National Rainbow Coalition (Narc). He may also consider alleviating rebellion by heeding to ODM’s willingness for talks on the way forward.

However, the challenge for the president is to put in place an all inclusive government, whether with friends and foes abode, that is responsive to the needs of the Kenyan people and brings back on track the development agenda a triumphant Narc set for itself in 2003.

This means that the President, while taking cognisance of the political exigencies of the day, must put the nation first and maintain a team whose mandate is to spearhead the
realisation of the promises Narc made to Kenyans on the campaign trail in 2002, and because of which the coalition was voted into power.